璁插骇涓�細The Logic and Contradictions of 鈥楶eaceful Rise/Development鈥�as China鈥檚 Grand Strategy?
鏃堕棿锛�/SPAN>2014骞�/SPAN>4鏈�/SPAN>14鏃ワ紙鏄熸湡涓�級锛�/SPAN>19:00-20:30
鍦扮偣锛氱传閲戞腐鏍″尯钂欐皯浼熸ゼ250 (Zijingang Campus, Mengminwei Building, 250)
The argument is that China does not need to invent a grand strategy because it has already articulated one that is based on a home-grown idea: 鈥榩eaceful rise/development鈥�(PRD). The key issue is whether the logic of this grand strategy, and the contradictions within it, are fully understood, and whether China has sufficient depth and coherence in its policy-making processes to implement such a strategy. Although there are elements of longer continuity in China鈥檚 strategic outlook, most obviously in seeing itself as a central player in world politics, this study focuses on the period since the late 1970s. The transformation around that time from Mao鈥檚 revolutionist strategy to Deng鈥檚 strategy of reform and opening up, involved a radical shift in China鈥檚 perception of itself, the world, and its place in the world. That shift provides a fairly stable and coherent background against which to think about the ends and means of China鈥檚 grand strategy. The paper looks briefly at the concept of grand strategy, and more specifically about how PRD qualifies for that status. It then surveys the ends and the means of China鈥檚 foreign and security policy as they have evolved in practice and rhetoric, and assesses China鈥檚 practice against the logic of PRD. The conclusion is that China鈥檚 practice is contradictory in relation to the requirements of PRD, and that these contradictions are endangering the viability of the strategy.
璁插骇浜岋細Geopolitics and Geo-economics in the Emerging World Order
鏃堕棿锛�/SPAN>2014骞�/SPAN>4鏈�/SPAN>18鏃ワ紙鏄熸湡浜旓級锛�/SPAN>9:00-11:00
鍦扮偣锛氱传閲戞腐鏍″尯 瑗�/SPAN>3B-112锛岀ぞ浼氱瀛︾爺绌堕櫌浼氳瀹�/SPAN>
锛�/SPAN>ZU Zijingang Campus, Xi 3-B Building, Room112锛�/SPAN>
The two centuries old hegemony of the West is coming to an end. The 鈥榬evolutions of modernity鈥�that fuelled the rise of the West are now accessible to all states. As a result, the power gap that developed during the nineteenth century and which served as the foundation for a core-periphery international order is closing. The result is a shift from a world of 鈥榗entred globalism鈥�to one of 鈥榙ecentred globalism鈥� At the same time as power is becoming more diffuse, the degree of ideological difference among the leading powers is shrinking. Indeed, because all great powers in the contemporary world are in some form capitalist, the ideological bandwidth of the emerging international order is narrower than it has been for a century. The question is whether this relative ideological homogeneity will generate geoeconomic or geopolitical competition among the four main modes of capitalist governance: liberal democratic, social democratic, competitive authoritarian and state bureaucratic. This article assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these four modes of capitalist governance, and probes the main contours of inter-capitalist competition. Will the political differences between democratic and authoritarian capitalists override their shared interests or be mediated by them? Will there be conflicting capitalisms along the lines of the early part of the twentieth century? Or will the contemporary world see the development of some kind of concert of capitalist powers? A world of politically differentiated capitalisms is likely to be with us for some time. As such, a central task facing policy makers is to ensure that geoeconomic competition takes place without generating geopolitical conflict.
涓昏浜虹畝浠嬶細
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